Battlefields Trust London & South East

Introduction
The First Battle of St Albans began the Wars of the Roses, a series of short periods of fighting in the late Fifteenth Century. Although the battle only lasted around half an hour, it was politically and psychologically important in beginning the spiral of violence, which constituted possibly the bloodiest period in English history. It was also a rare example of medieval urban warfare.

Location
The battle occurred in the historic centre of St Albans. The king raised the Royal Standard in the Market Place, where the heaviest fighting occurred at the battle’s climax.

The Yorkists advanced, the Duke of York along Shropshire Lane, (now Victoria Street) and the Earl of Salisbury along Sopwell Lane. The Earl of Warwick’s men broke through gardens between the modern London Road and Victoria Street and into the town centre.

Landscape Interpretation
The modern surroundings hinder interpretation to some extent though the medieval street plan still exists. The course of the battle can thus be followed by walking the streets that existed in 1455. Sopwell Lane in particular retains some atmosphere of a medieval street.

In 1455, St Albans clustered around its Abbey, now the Cathedral. St Peter’s Church marked the northern edge of the town, which was defended by the 13th Century Tonman Ditch and barriers on the roads. On the eastern side of the town, the ditch ran roughly parallel to and two hundred yards from St Peter’s Street, along the line of Upper Marlborough Road, Marlborough Road and Keyfield Terrace. The now developed ground between these roads and the single row of houses on St Peter’s Street comprised allotments or gardens in 1455.

The three Lancastrian nobles who were killed in the battle (Somerset, Northumberland and Clifford) were buried in the Lady Chapel of the Abbey. Their exact whereabouts are unknown. In 1870, however, three armour-clad skeletons were reputedly found during building work in the Lady Chapel. Somerset was thought to be nearest the sanctuary, followed by the Earl of Northumberland and Clifford respectively.

Historical Background
Henry VI became the third king of the House of Lancaster at nine months old in 1422. Factions competing for political power developed during his minority and continued after he proved an ineffectual ruler on attaining majority in 1437, being weak, impressionable and increasingly susceptible to bouts of hysterical catatonia. It has been argued that this condition was inherited from Henry’s grandfather, Charles VI of France. Henry was the great-grandson of the third son of Edward III, John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, via the latter’s first marriage.

From 1447 onwards, Richard, Duke of York, led opposition to the clique controlling Henry. As the king remained childless, York, great great grandson of Edward III’s second son Lionel, Duke of Clarence and grandson of his fourth son, Edmund, Duke of York, was heir apparent. York developed an intense rivalry with Edmund Beaufort, Earl of Somerset, grandson of John of Gaunt via the latter’s belatedly legitimised third marriage.

The competition between York and Somerset became the main source of conflict in a divided court. York was blamed for the continuing loss of English possessions in France during the latter stages of the Hundred Years’ War and was given command of the English army in the relative backwater of Ireland. Beaufort, who was created Duke of Somerset, replaced him as commander of the English army in France.

Both York and Somerset returned to England in 1450 after Jack Cade’s abortive revolt. Despite his disastrous command in France, Somerset was appointed Constable of England and Captain of Calais. This was because his champion, Queen Margaret began to dominate the king and sought to ruin York, whom she felt was too ambitious. York marched on London, where Henry defused accusations of treason by offering the duke a place on the ruling Council.

Determined to remove Somerset, York mobilised an army in Ludlow and again marched on London, the gates of which were closed to him. He swung around the southern edge of the city to camp at Crayford, before deploying for battle. He met Henry at Blackheath in March 1452, having been persuaded to disband his army, on condition that he was named heir to the throne and that Somerset was arrested. York was then forced to accompany the royal party, including Beaufort, to London and released only after swearing that he would not take up arms against the king in future.

In June 1453, Henry transferred estates from Richard Neville, Earl of Warwick to Somerset, pushing Neville and his father Richard, Earl of Salisbury into an alliance with York. Queen Margaret became increasingly dominant at the court after Henry succumbed to hysterical catatonia in August on hearing of the defeat at Castillon, leaving only Calais in English hands. York also lost his status as heir when Queen Margaret gave birth to a son named Edward in October. With Henry still helpless, his wife considered the possibility of a forced abdication, which would formally give her power as her son’s regent. Despite the Council’s inherent hostility to York, rule by a French woman was even more unpalatable and opinion began to swing in favour of the duke. With Henry showing no sign of improvement, in January 1454 Margaret demanded control of the government. The barons had no faith in her, however and passed the Act of Regency on 27 March, by which York was created Protector until the king’s recovery or his son’s majority.

The duke imprisoned Somerset in the Tower of London and accused him of mismanaging the war. He appointed Salisbury, Chancellor of England and himself, Captain of Calais, banished Queen Margaret to Windsor and imprisoned the rebellious Henry Holland, Duke of Exeter in Pontefract Castle.

When the king regained his senses in December, he dismissed York and his allies and released Exeter and Somerset, who had his offices restored. The Nevilles’ great Northern rivals, Thomas, Lord Clifford and Henry Percy, Earl of Northumberland joined Somerset and Margaret in what was now the Lancastrian establishment, supported to varying degrees by the rest of the nobility.

Contemporary Sources
There are several contemporary documents conveying the Yorkist perspective of the campaign, but little to cover the Lancastrian point of view. This is because the politically sophisticated Yorkists sought to justify their aggression and could write as the victors; the defeated Lancastrians had no such opportunity.

On 20 May 1455, the Duke of York sent a letter to the Chancellor, Archbishop Bourchier of York. This was sent from Royston and intended to explain the Yorkists’ sudden armed march on London. The letter requested that Bourchier proclaim them loyal to Henry VI and stated their wish to protect both the king and themselves from their enemies.

The following day, a second letter was sent from Ware, which was addressed to the king and accompanied by a copy of the first. The same points were emphasised, particularly the danger from their unnamed enemies, who the Yorkists feared had kept the previous letter from Henry.

The Fastolf Relation records the negotiations between the Dukes of Buckingham and York before the battle and was possibly written immediately by an eyewitness, since the battle is not mentioned. York is stated to have sought resolution of a petition, which was probably sent with the second letter and which is likely to have included a demand for the dismissal of the Duke of Somerset.

The Stow Relation is the official Yorkist record of the battle, probably written during the following week. It mentions York’s loyalty and demand for Somerset’s surrender and Henry’s resulting threat to execute the rebel. The brief account of the fighting is followed by the Yorkists’ submission to the king and triumphant return with him to London.

The Phillips Relation selectively blamed Lancastrian scapegoats for the battle, with perceived moderates such as Lord Fauconberg being exonerated as the new Yorkist establishment sought stability. This strategy found its full expression in the Parliamentary Pardon enacted in the July 1455 session. This stated that Somerset concealed York’s letters, thus misrepresenting the latter and causing the battle.

The eyewitness account of Abbott John Whethamstede is contained in the Registrum Abbatis Johannis Whethamstede. He described seeing corpses in the streets and may have watched the action from the Abbey tower.

John Benet’s Chronicle for the Years 1400 to 1462 numbers 7,000 Yorkists. Modern accounts follow Alfred Burne in estimating 3,000, against 2,000 Lancastrians. Benet estimated 100 largely Lancastrian dead.

The Campaign
After the Yorkists’ summary withdrawal from the court to their estates, Henry and his advisers met on 21 April. They decided to summon the Council to Leicester on 21 May, ostensibly to resolve differences. These differences, however, were irreconcilable because Henry could only have one chief adviser. Furthermore, Somerset’s current possession of this role prompted the Yorkists to fear arrest, as he had claimed that York sought the throne. The Yorkists therefore intended to ambush the Lancastrians as close as possible to London and take possession of the king.

On 18 May, Henry heard that the Yorkists were marching south, summoned supporters to Coventry and the following day, sent a letter ordering York to disband. With no response forthcoming, the Lancastrians left London on 21 May, wanting any confrontation to be as far away from the hostile capital as possible. The party included Lords Clifford and Fauconberg, the Earls of Devon, Northumberland, Stafford, Wiltshire, Dorset and Pembroke and the Dukes of Buckingham and Somerset. As the force was only small, despite a last minute summons to arms, Henry hoped that York would honour his promise not to fight him. On reaching Kilburn, Archbishop Bourchier received a letter from York, saying that the duke was a loyal subject and acting only in self-defence. The Lancastrians reached Watford that night, and the Yorkists reached Ware, 20 miles away. York sent a second letter, emphasising the points already made.

Early the following day, the Lancastrians continued north towards St Albans and at 7am, heard that York was approaching, having swung south-west to try and occupy the town first. The Lancastrians reached St Albans to find that the Yorkists were just east of the town the area known as Keyfield.

The Lancastrians loosely manned the eastern town defences and blocked St Peter’s Street to the north-east of the town centre and Holywell Hill, to the south-west.

With both sides reluctant to take responsibility for beginning hostilities, three hours of negotiations ensued. York, however, would not move from his demand to be handed Somerset, whom he indicted for treason. Henry, who threatened the rebels with execution, refused this. Talks dragged on as men drifted off in search of refreshment, not expecting to fight.

Finally, with negotiations having proved inconclusive, the Royal Standard was raised in the Market Place, in a symbolic gesture meaning that anyone opposing it was a traitor and that the king would fight in defence of it.

The Battle
Realising that negotiations would fail, the Yorkists suddenly attacked after ten o’clock and bells signalled the attack. The Yorkists advanced in two columns, the Earl of Salisbury along Sopwell Lane against a barrier erected by Clifford, and York along Shropshire Lane (now Victoria Street) against a barrier manned by Northumberland’s and Somerset’s men. Henry remained under a tree in the Market Place with Buckingham, Devon, Stafford, Wiltshire and Fauconberg.

Despite the suddenness of the attack, the Yorkists could not make their superior numbers tell in the narrow streets and retreated with casualties. The young Warwick led a force including 600 Northerners then broke through a lightly guarded part of the defences between the modern London Road and Victoria Street. The Yorkists barged through gardens and walls into the Market Place, announcing themselves with a trumpet blast, shouts of ‘A Warwick, A Warwick’ and the ‘Bear and Ragged Staff’ banner. The Lancastrians were now split and in disarray.

Warwick’s men quickly spread, shooting arrows into the rear of the Lancastrians, who, unable to reciprocate, abandoned the barriers and fled into the town centre, pursued by the men of York and Salisbury. Clifford reached Holywell Hill, where he was hacked to death by Warwick’s men and Northumberland met a similar fate. Somerset reached the Castle Inn, from which he led a charge into the street, to be felled by an axe.

The Lancastrian survivors, some still putting on armour, made a futile stand in the Market Place around the king and his standard. They were soon scattered by arrows, however and sought refuge, Buckingham in the Abbey and Henry in a tanner’s house, both wounded by arrows. Devon, Dorset, Pembroke and Stafford were captured, as was Henry, who the Yorkist leaders took into the Abbey after asking forgiveness. The abandoned standard was torn down as the Yorkists rampaged through the town, killing and pillaging, until corpses littered the streets. Wiltshire, disguised as a monk, escaped in the chaos. Salisbury’s brother William Neville, Lord Fauconberg probably contributed little to the Lancastrian cause and appears to have successfully changed allegiance after the battle, together with Devon.

Aftermath
Somerset’s death outside the Castle Inn reputedly fulfilled a prophecy (attributed by Shakespeare to the witchcraft of the Duchess of Gloucester), that he would die at the entrance to a castle. He implausibly took the prediction so seriously that he avoided castles as much as possible, even begging the king not to summon him to Windsor.

One hundred Lancastrian dead littered the streets for some time afterwards and were considered such a health hazard that Whethamstede obtained permission to bury them. Most were probably interred in a mass grave in the churchyard of St Peter’s, but Somerset, Northumberland and Clifford were buried in the Abbey.

Warwick’s military reputation was built upon his decisive attack but it may have been the idea of his captain Sir Robert Ogle.

After spending the night in St Albans Abbey, Henry was taken to London the following day, where York swore an oath of loyalty to him. The duke was appinted Constable of England and promptly designated other prominent positions for his supporters, although accommodation was sought with moderate Lancastrians. The king relapsed, prompting York to be appointed by Act of Parliament as Protector and Defender of the Land on 19 November.

Consequences
York hoped that he had decisively restored his political supremacy at a stroke, by eliminating his principal enemies, notably Somerset. This was impossible, however, since the families of the victims sought revenge and with Queen Margaret remaining implacable, it was only a matter of time before she regained control of her husband.

In February 1456, the king reasserted his authority at the instigation of his wife, who competed with York for influence over Henry. In August, the royal family left hostile London and established their court in Coventry. Here, Margaret gradually strengthened her position over the next year, by appointing Lancastrians to powerful positions in place of incumbent Yorkists. In February 1458, the families of the dead Lancastrians successfully demanded compensation and the following month, a chantry chapel was founded at St Albans. After a failed attempt at reconciliation, York and Salisbury retired to their Northern estates and Warwick, to Calais, in defiance of the queen’s efforts to remove him.

Aiming to deal the Yorkists a fatal blow, Queen Margaret summoned the ruling Council to Coventry in June 1459. The absent Yorkists were indicted for treason and with the political climate remarkably similar to that of four years before, war was again inevitable.
Conclusion

The First Battle of St Albans was the vital first step in the bloody campaigns known as the Wars of the Roses. It saw the military debut of the young Earl of Warwick, who would become a dominant nobleman of the period and one of the few such men whose name has survived into modern times. The brutal climax of the battle provided a cover for the virtual murder of the Duke of Somerset, which established the temporary supremacy of his rival the Duke of York, only to begin the culture of violence and vendetta which would devastate the country.

References
P Burley, M Elliott, H Watson, The Battles of St Albans, (Pen & Sword, 2007)
A Burne, The Battlefields of England (Greenhill Books, 1996)
P Haigh, The Military Campaigns of the Wars of the Roses (Bramley Books, 1995)
M Hicks, Propaganda & the First Battle of St Albans, 1455 (Nottingham Medieval Studies v.44, 2000) (www.deremilitari.org/hicks.pdf, 2002)
JJ Norwich, Shakespeare’s Kings (Penguin, 2000)
D Seward, The Wars of the Roses (Viking, 1995)
H Watson, The First Battle of St Albans 1455 (Battlefield Volume 7 Issue 2, 2001)
A Weir, Lancaster and York: The Wars of the Roses (Jonathan Cape, 1995)
F Yeoman, The Ricardian No 28 (March 1970)